References

MEDINA, E. (2009). Immigration Reform at a Transformational Moment in US History. Social Policy, 39(1), 15-16. Retrieved from Academic Search Premier database.

Meier, Matt, S., & Gutierrez, Margo, . (2000). Encylopedia of the mexican american civil rights movement. Westport, CT.: Greenwood Publishing Group.

Navarro, Armando, . (2000). La raza unida party. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.

Salazae, Ruben, . (1996). Struggle in the fields, taking back the schools, fighting for political power [Documentary Film episode]. In (Executive producer), Chicano! The History of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement. Los Angles: NLCC Educational Media.

(2006). The Bracero Program. Current Events, 105(16), 2. Retrieved from Academic Search Premier database.

Political Power Movement: Rise of La Raza Unida Party

Texas has a long history of discrimination and hostility towards Mexican-Americans. In Texas government, Mexican-Americans have routinely been under represented. Majority Mexican-American populations have been jerry-rigged out of government entitlements by poll taxes and electoral redistricting. The white Anglo has always had government power in Texas until 1963.

In 1963 at Crystal City High School, 90% of students where Mexican-American and 10% were white. While Crystal City High School was majority Mexican-American only one Mexican-American could be on the cheerleading squad. One day another Mexican-American girl besides the one Mexican-American girl already on the squad wanted to be a cheerleader. She was denied her request. This inequity sparked parents to step in.

The parents voiced their concern to the principal and the education board but were unheard. Crystal City High School parents realized that they had no political control and therefore could not change the way things were so they decided to make a political party with a platform based solely on Chicano issues including bilingual education, equitable tax structure, foreign subsidies, and regulation of public utilities.

The party gained publicity as the women involved in the party organized dances and events to register voters. In 1970, the party ran for 16 positions winning 15. In 1972 Ramsey Muniz ran for governor of Texas under La Raza Unida. Muniz lost but took away a significant number of votes from the democrats, enough to allow a republican to be elected as governor. The democrats were forced to acknowledge the importance of the Mexican vote.

The fact that La Raza Unida had leverage over the democratic party would not suffice Mexican-American eagerness to be heard. The party ran "Corky" for a chairman position in the state government. "Corky" was verbally expressive of his feeling of disdain for Anglos. Is was rumored that "Corky" advocated violence towards Anglos. Anglos responded by bombing the Crusaders of Justice building where "Corky" was affiliated. The bombing scared many people in La Raza Unida party into leaving the organization. The party died down and has since been less active.

The self determination of Mexican-American's in Texas and in the United States was positively improved. Establishing La Raza Unida showed Mexican-Americans were not afraid to stand up for their rights. La Raza Unida inspired Mexican-American people to realize they were in control of their own destiny. Mexican-American's have the power to become a part of the government process by voting and participating in government.

Chicano Movement: Taking Back the Schools

In 1960-1970, the east side of Los Angeles was home to schools where one of every four Chicano's (Chicano: means "forest of the poor") completed high school. East LA's unemployment rate was almost double the national average. People that did work earned two-thirds of what other LA residents earned for equivalent work. The East LA school system was insignificantly educating its students while worse yet, dismissing the drop out rate as the norm for Mexican-American students. There was a problem with the system of education in East LA and students were determined to do something about it.

Students were grouped into classes by their IQ. Students with lower IQ's were not given the support or coaxing needed to get them into college. Educators allowed low education standards and refused to see students as equals. Academic advisors set students sights low for the future by advocating how service jobs were a practical choice for Mexicans. Cleaning houses was going to be the norm for Mexican-American females. Students were tired of the inadequate staff and the staff's lack of concern for their students. The students decided to construct and pass out surveys. The circulating surveys indicated students were unsatisfied with their education. The students demanded bilingual instruction, an end to corporal punishment, hiring of more Mexican-American teachers and advisors.

In 1968 the student's survey findings and the demands of the students were brought to the attention of the LA school board. The board listened to the people and took prompt action into solving the problem by throwing the findings away and dismissing the claims as rhetoric. The students were forced to go back to the drawing board.

Sal Castro, a graduate student, along with 12 other college aged leaders decided to take it upon themselves to organize the students. In March 1968 students at East LA High School participated in a "walk out." The walk out was designed to spread publicity about the inadequacies of the school, which was one step closer to change. Later that day, the "walk out" spread to five other east side high schools. A total of roughly 4,000 students participated in the "walk outs." By the end of the week 16 schools and 10,000 students roamed the streets protesting for educational reform.

By the start of the next week, police were called to in to keep the students under control. Some confrontations broke out between police and students resulting in 44 student arrests. Concerned parents decided it was time for them, the parents, to take action. They took the students demands to the LA Board of Education and demanded reform. Again, the board did nothing.

Sal Castro and the 12 other student leaders were arrested for their work in organizing the student protestors under conspiracy to commit a misdemeanor. Each student could face up to 66 years in prison.

The East LA community became emotionally charged by the arrest of the movement's leader and once again took their anger and frustration to the LA Education Board. This time the Chicano's staged sit-ins where attendees did not leave the board room until their demands were met. The sit-ins dragged on until finally the educational board gave in to to the student's demands. The school system reformed their rules allowing Spanish to be spoken in school along with bilingual instruction. Corporal punishment was restricted, and numerous Mexican-American teachers and advisors were hired.

The Chicano movement in the LA school system improved Mexican-American self determination. After hiring Mexican-American advisors and teachers students were encouraged to go to college and to follow their dreams no matter the enormity of the dream. Mexican-American students in east LA were no longer told what they could not do and were no longer held back from their aspirations. The positive changes implemented by the school board opened the doors for students to further their education and become the professionals they wanted to be. No one could tell them no.

Farm Worker's Movement: Mexican Laborers Struggle for Justice

For 100 years Mexicans and Mexican Americans have been the work horse in farms throughout the Southwest. The minority Anglo profited off the majority Mexican unfairly and without question. Mexican Americans worked with the same slavish conditions until 1965 when finally the laborers stood together to protest their injustices.

Mexican farm workers in California at this time worked 16 hour workdays with no breaks for the disturbingly low price of $2 a day. In addition to the laborious work, while on the job Mexican workers were constantly exposed to pesticides. The life expectancy of these workers was 49 years. Because money was tight, as soon as a kid was old enough to work in the fields and support his family, he did resulting in a tremendous educational gap. The average Mexican farm worker had only two years of education. The inequities of education, pay, and working conditions became a rallying cry for the workers. On September 1965 Mexicans walked off Californian fields in protest.

The National Farm Workers Association (NFWA) was formed by Mexican workers. This unified body was the hub for complaints and the sword of action. The NFWA demanded living wages, better education for their children, decent housing, and the right to live without fear.

Shortly after the striking started farm workers realized that their was no strike fund. This meant there was no money to support the striking workers who lived paycheck to paycheck. Without money a strike could not be effective. On September 16 (Mexican Independence Day) a meeting was held by the NFWA where Cesar Chavez, a to be very influential man, was introduced. A plan was constructed that called for striking in unison with the already striking Pilipino people.

As the strike went on the grape growers introduced a strategy of bussing in willing workers directly from Mexico. The NFWA was forced to mix up their strategy. The NFWA decided after seeing how effective boycotts were in the Civil Rights Movement to boycott grape farms.

Farm growers and local oppressive forces in Delano, California resented the Mexican Farm Workers Movement and demanded action. The police force arrested workers and kept them in jail. In most cases the people had not broken the law but were rather thrown in jail because they were "going to break the law."

The inhumane treatment of the farm workers in Delano, California sparked a Senate Migratory Committee to examine the plight. Bobby Kennedy himself interrogated the local Sheriff into devolving the fact that he was arresting people illegally. The hearings opened the mistreatment to the eyes of the nation. After the hearings the Delano Sherriff was discharged from his position.

The NFWA was constantly searching for new and innovative ways to spread their movement and gain support for their boycott of certain grape companies. One idea was a march. In early 1966 a march began in San Joaquin Valley. As the march progressed more and more people joined. With the help of the media the NFWA's efforts paid off. The NFWA has created enough negative publicity for Shinley Corp., (a company the NFWA was boycotting) they were brought to their knees, forcing them to negotiate.

Once the NFWA saw that they could win they decided market Boycotting all grape growing companies in California. This was an effective strategy that had a worldwide effect. Demand for grapes grown in California by some cities in the U.S. fell as much as 22%. Whole countries like Belgium refused to buy Californian grapes. In August 1967 Degeorgio Corporation agreed to negotiate. On July 29, 1970 new contracts were signed by all remaining Californian grape companies assuring improved education, pay, and working conditions for the Mexican farm workers.

The Farm Worker's Movement effected the self determination of the Mexican workers by giving the workers more say in how their lives were lived. They were given more rights than they had, and their kids are no longer predisposed to the farm working lifestyle. The workers earn living wages that they can live off of more easily than the $2 a day they made before the Farm Worker's Movement. The working day was changed to eight hours. If a worker worked overtime they were awarded overtime pay.

The Farm Worker's Movement ended positively, giving workers the freedom, dignity, and respect they deserved.